Keith Archuleta

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Keith Archuleta


Keith Archuleta (A.B. Stanford University 1978), leader in the Black Student Union (BSU), active in the South Africa divestment movement as a student, now Founder/President at Emerald Consulting.

Chair Antioch Economic Development Commission. Current service on Antioch Redevelopment Oversight Board, East County Business-Education Alliance Board, and CSU Gateways East Bay STEM Network Steering Committee. Ordained in 2008, currently serves as Minister of Community Development - Antioch Christian Center.[1]

Dean

In 1988 Keith Archuleta, currently assistant director of the Row. has been appointed assistant dean of Student Affairs in charge of the Black Community Services Center. Archuleta replaces Faye McNair-Knox, now vice chair of the University Committee on Minority Issues. Archuleta, a graduate of Stanford with honors in African and Afro-American studies as well as distinction in communication, served as former student co-chair of the Black Student Union in 1977-78. He wrote the 1978 BSU proposal that led to the creation of the job he will now fill. Archuleta said he is pleased about the appointment and that McN air-Knox laid the groudwork for his work in the Black Community Services Center.

"Ten years ago, I was a student when we fought to have this center. . . . Since then, a legacy has developed." he said. "Dr. Knox has helped to transform the idea we had on paper into a reality. . . . Now the task ahead of us is to grow." Archuleta pointed to the success of the community center in founding outreach programs in Palo Alto, the Bay Area and the nation, as well as "educating and informing the general community here at Stanford about the needs and the situation facing AfricanAmerican people in this society." But he stressed that the University can and must give more support to minority and Third World student organizations. Archuleta said he will seek to increase the University budget outlays set aside for black student organizations, as well as change his position as director of the Community Services Center from a half-time to a full-time job. However, his major goal is to achieve a stronger link between Stanford and East Palo Alto by establishing a counterpart center that would provide jobs and educational services. In addition to getting the program approved by the University administration. Archuleta is serving as the coordinator of the Black Liberation Month Symposium, scheduled for February. Archuleta outlined the painful process which he and many others in the Stanford black community went through in the late 1960s and early '70s to establish the community service center and launch reforms in Stanford's academic programs and admissions and financial aids policies. It was not until the late '60s that Stanford started to admit substantial numbers of black students, Archuleta said.[2]

Daily endorsement

In 1976, the Stanford Daily endorsed for ASSU Council of Presidents Dan Howard, Keith Archuleta, Liz Ryll. Bill Tyndall.[3]

SCRIP rally

Demonstrators representing Cat Tex (I.) a repressed black South African (center) and General Electric (r.) presented a skit as part of November 30 1977's noon rally which encouraged divestment by the University of stock in corporations that operate in South Africa. About 700 persons crowded into the lobby of Old Union to watch skits and listen to songs. Speakers included Keith Archuleta, Black Students Union co-president, and Lise Giraud, a member of United Stanford Employees, at the rally sponsored by the Stanford Committee for a Responsible Investment Policy (SCRIP). SCRIP has demanded that the University come up with a divestment plan by Feb. 14, and achieve divestment within six months after that.[4]

Richie Ross

In mid 1988, to give her campaign a more aggressive grass roots base, 12th District Congressional Candidate Anna Eshoo recently changed campaign management firms. Following talks with the Democratic Congressional Committee, Eshoo said she realized she could not use the same campaign approach to beat Republican candidate Tom Campbell that she used in her primary race, according to Eshoo's campaign manager Mary Hughes. Eshoo's new management firm — Richie Ross — will now funnel more money to voter contact and field operations. "(The DCCC) want(s) people who will spend money wisely. We want assistance." Ross is replacing Townsend and Co. — a leading California consultant firm whose clients have included Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley and 1984 Presidential candidate Walter Mondale. A Sacramento based firm, Ross recently helped San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos gain his post.

Ross has also worked on two winning initiatives in Santa Clara County, the San Jose Arena and the Santa Clara County Jail. Praising Ross as one of the "best organizers in California," Asst. Director of the Row Keith Archuleta said the firm is "definitely a plus" for Eshoo's campaign. Archuleta, who was once an aid to Agnos, said he knew Richie Ross personally while working in Sacramento. "He is good at fundraising and is a good strategist," Archuleta said. Hughes added that Eshoo's campaign has maintained close contacts with the DCCC, a national organization that assists viable candidates. After closely examining Eshoo's campaign records, the DCCC gave Eshoo their financial support once her campaign met "certain criteria," Hughes said. In fact, the DCCC is targeting the 12th district election as one of the five most important races in the country, according to Hughes.[5]

Africa

Sleeping on straw mats, having no electricity or running water, cooking outdoors over a wood fire — these are not the living conditions most students expect to find in an overseas studies program. But Kim Euell and Keith Archuleta will forego the comforts of Cliveden for the extraordinary experience of living, working and studying with rural Africans for two months this summer. Euell, a junior in international relations and African and Afro-American studies, and Archuleta, a 1978 Stanford graduate and consultant to the California Assembly Ways and Means Committee, have been selected for Operation Crossroads Africa, one of the few African overseas programs available to students here.

Based in New York, Operation Crossroads sends American volunteers into rural communities in West and Central Africa to work on development projects ranging from building schools and planting coffee to immunizing villagers and preserving local cultural traditions. "We'll be pretty much roughing it," Euell admitted, "but for me it will help to put a lot of things into focus." She said she and other Black Americans are aware of the turmoil and problems in Africa, "and it makes us want to do something about it." Euell has performed with African dance groups on the East and West Coasts, has been a member of the Committees on Black Performing Arts and the Stanford Lively Arts. She is also promotion manager for ASSU Special Events.

Archuleta is a former copresident of the Black Student Union and a co-founder of the Black Media Institute here. He has never studied overseas. "I had chances to get to Cliveden or Italy, but I always wanted to go to Africa," he said. "There's a lot of art, science, literature, social organization and social values that have come from Africa. "Most of us have had little contact with what Africa is all about," Archuleta explained, citing the "warped image" of the African continent that is presented to Americans via Tarzan and other jungle movies. \

After six weeks in their assigned communities, Crossroads volunteers will be allowed two weeks of group travel. Euell said she also wants to do some dancing and to visit Kenyan writer Ngugi wa Thiong'o. "I hope to use the travel time to go to other countries and villages and compare their health care and government systems," Archuleta said. He will film his Crossroads experiences for presentation in East Palo Alto schools next year.[6]

Rainbow Coalition

In 1984 Keith Archuleta was active in the Rainbow Coalition.[7]

STAR

With the 1984 U.S. presidential election only a month away, students at Stanford were intensifying the drive to recruit votes for their favorite candidates. Eric Diesel, head of Stanford Students for Mondale-Ferraro, said more than 500 Mondale supporters have signed up in the five days he has had a table out in White Plaza. "According to the national campaign office, that makes us the second largest student political partisan group in the country," Diesel said.

Lynn Marcus, president of Stanford Democrats, said that until November, members of Stanford Democrats will be working with Stanford Students for Mondale-Ferraro. "Right now. we're basically the same group, and we won't really split up until after the election in November," Marcus said.

Keith Archuleta, resident fellow for Mirrielees and an active member of Students against Reaganism (STAR), said that STAR is supporting Stanford Students for Mondale-Ferraro, but that it is also devoting part of it efforts to supporting Martin Carnoy's challenge to Zschau. "The group was formed because students saw the need to deal with the move to the right in this country, what we have labeled 'Reaganism,' and this direction in society goes beyond this one presidential election," Archuleta said.

Archuleta said STAR has a core group of approximately 25 people but that nearly 60 people signed up at registration. "Most of our members are people that are involved in the Rainbow Coalition, women's groups, or thirdworld non-intervention groups, so it's a very broad coalition," Archuleta said. Archuleta said members of STAR will be going to dorms in order to register voters. STAR will also sponsor a rally tonight in Terman Auditorium which will feature officials from the Carnoy and Mondale campaigns.[8]

On the Black Student Union

On April 5, 1968, Stanford's black students ignited a fire that would burn relentlessly through two decades of shifting public sentiment. Following the shocking assassination of civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr., the newly established Black Student Union held a rally in White Plaza. As then-BSU co-chair Kenny Washington spoke, 40 black students banded together on stage and set fire to an American flag. Washington explained to the racially mixed crowd, "This burning flag may mean a lot to you, but it doesn't mean much to us. The fact that we are Americans is only incidental to us. The burning flag is incidental to us. We are primarily human beings." Nearly 20 years after Martin Luther King's death, the fire burns strong for Stanford's BSU. Through times of civil unrest, legal conservatism and widespread apathy, the BSU has maintained its boldness and its dream. "We are here to continue the unfinished business of the 19605," said Steve Phillips, 1984-86 BSU chair. "We stand on that history, we learn from it, and we're inspired by it." Amanda Kemp, last year's BSU chair, said that unlike many similar institutions in the country, Stanford's BSU has "an uninterrupted history of 20 years of struggle" against the status quo.

The BSU first introduced itself to the Stanford community in October 1967. Ted Spearman, senior press representative for the group, explained in an Oct. 19 Daily article that the BSU planned to focus its attention on countering apathy. "Stanford is just as hostile to black people as the rest of the country, perhaps more hostile because of its apathy. Apathy is the worst form of hostility," he said. Six months later, student behavior in response to King's death illustrated the extent of such apathy. Although many students mourned King, others expressed indifference. An April 5, 1968, Daily article reported: "One fellow at Kappa Alpha, where drinks and music created a lively atmosphere, said, 'I'm not concerned at all. I'm never upset at anything, and why should I worry? I live in Montana.' " The BSU, however, answered apathy with activism. Just hours after the flag-burning rally at White Plaza, 70 members of the BSU stormed onto the stage of Memorial Auditorium and surrounded then-Provost Richard Lyman, demanding 10 points of specific reform on minority admissions and employment at Stanford and funding for the BSU.

'It isn't just a fight for black people. The BSU is a catalyst for justice overall on this campus.' — Amanda Kemp

The BSU "never made an explicit threat of direct action but it was clear that ... they were in a position to create a lot of upheaval," said Lyman, who is currently president of the Rockefeller Foundation and was Stanford president from 1970-80. Seven hours later, after the administration responded in an open meeting at Tresidder Union, Washington shouted to the assembled crowd, "All our demands have been met!" "The BSU showed a very astute sense of how to play their cards and just how far to go in support of these demands," Lyman reflected. "Almost overnight, [the BSU] became a very prominent part of the campus action." Leo Bazile, 1968-70 BSU cochair and now an Oakland city councilmember, described the climate of the Stanford black student movement during his leadership as a "very volatile environment. Everybody was questioning tradition and values. People coincided in many cases and diverged in others." "The primary point of coming together was around questioning of institutional racism," Bazile said.

The 1970s were a time of 'backward political motion. People got afraid and people got comfortable...' — Keith Archuleta

One of the 1968 demands called for the admission of 10 minority students who do not meet the minimal academic requirements. As promised, this demand was fulfilled, and by 1971, nine of these 10 students were enrolled and in good academic standing, according to a Febuary 1971 Daily article. Improvement of minority enrollment has remained a vital issue for the BSU. "For 80 years, Stanford did not admit students of color to the University," Phillips said. "It took the assassination of King and the uproar that followed to change the situation."

With the change in the political climate, the government began to challenge the progress of the civil rights movement, according to 1977-78 BSU Chair Keith Archuleta. Archuleta said the challenge included the National Guard's attack at Kent State and increased intelligence gathering on black liberation organizations by J. Edgar Hoover's FBI and the CIA. Another obstacle, according to Archuleta, was the Supreme Court's ruling in Bakke v. University of California that nationally instituted what he calls "reverseracism." This "conservative backlash" induced a retreat from the progressive rights movement both at Stanford and across the nation, he argued.

Quietly resisting conformity, Stanford's BSU nearly slipped away into non-existence, according to Archuleta. Archuleta described the era of his leadership as a time of "backward political motion. People got afraid and people got comfortable — blacks included." According to Phillips, the BSU probably would not have survived "if it hadn't been for Keith (Archuleta) in '75." Archuleta continues to be an active voice at Stanford. He is currently director of Black Community Services Center, assistant dean of Student Affairs and a resident fellow at Mirrielees House.

Concerns of the BSU during the 70s included divestment in South Africa, development of an AfroAmerican studies department, the establishment of a black theme house and learning assistance center and revising the Western Civilization requirement which, as Archuleta described, came back in 1980 under the disguise of Western Culture.

Since its inception, the BSU has also been a source of cultural and community outreach programs. Poet Amiri Baraka was one of many speakers brought to Stanford by the BSU in the early 19705, Kemp said. She cited tutoring, talent shows and the 1970 founding of a black student newspaper, The Colonist, (which later became the The Real News) as further cultural structures fostered by the BSU. Many of the programs for which the BSU fought over the years have benefited other minority groups and the campus at large. The learning assistance center, housed in Sweet Hall, for example, came about because of the BSU demands, Archuleta said. The BSU was also instrumental in last spring's formation of the Rainbow Agenda, a coalition of people of color committed to the fight against institutional racism, according to Kemp. "It isn't just a fight for black people," she said. "The BSU is a catalyst for justice overall on this campus." "Just about every aspect of this campus related or committed to diversity is linked in some way to the BSU," Phillips said. The progress of the BSU had come full circle as the "conservative" flickering fire of the '70s sparked new rage in the early '80s.[9]

Divestment from South Africa

Three Stanford Rhodes Scholars announced May 29, 1986, that they will turn their efforts next fall toward urging the Rhodes Trust to divest from South Africa related companies. Graduate student William Handley and seniors Michael McFaul and Susan Rice held a noon press conference to answer questions about the "Free South Africa Fund," an alternate repository for those who want to donate to Stanford but disagree with University investment policy. The three students, along with senior Laurie Edelstein, initiated work on the fund.

But the discussion at the conference turned to their commitment to urging the Rhodes Trust to divest. "When we meet other scholars in October, we will try to gain support for those efforts," McFaul said. Handley said they could face great difficulty because the British Parliament is partially responsible for administering the Rhodes Trust. "There are a lot of political considerations," he said. "Getting Rhodes scholarships didn't immediately sensitize us to this issue. We have been concerned about this for a long time," he said, arguing that "it's ridiculous to say that by accepting the scholarships we are being hypocritical." The three opened their remarks by urging donors who oppose Stanford's investments in South Africa related companies to deposit money in the "Free South Africa Fund" rather than giving directly to the University. The scholars announced its establishment to coincide with Stanford's Centennial fund-raising campaign.

Rice said, "As Stanford students we are especially outraged that the institution from which we benefit buttresses the apartheid regime."[10]

From a letter to the Stanford Daily 30 May 1986:

In the spring of next year, when independent, non-profit status has been attained, the fund will be transferred to a legal trust overseen by a board including the following people: Keith Archuleta, Office of Residential Education; St. Clair Drake, professor emeritus of anthropology; Laurie Edelstein, class of '86: James Lowell Gibbs, Jr.. professor of anthropology; William Gould, professor of law; Ronald Rebholz, professor of English; and ourselves.

We hope that there will be significant change both at Stanford and in South Africa long before 1996. The sooner such change comes, the more gladly and generously many of us will give to Stanford in its second century.

William Handley Senior, English and political science Michael McFaul Senior, international relations Susan Rice Senior, history.[11]

Ethnic Deans

In 1988, four ethnic deans represent the black, Chicano/Latino, Native American and AsianAmerican communities at Stanford. The deans serve as the liaison between their communities and the University. Keith Archuleta serves the

a black community; Jim Larimore serves the Native American community; Julian Low serves the Asian-American community; and Juan Yniguez serves the Chicano/Latino community; He can be found at El Centro.[12]

Unity

Keithoct185unity.JPG

Keith Archuleta, was a contributor to Unity, October 1, 1985.

Keith Archuleta, was a contributor to Unity, April 25, 1986, the newspaper of the League of Revolutionary Struggle.

List of demands

Keith Archuleta exhorted the crowd during an October 26 1988 gathering of students of color in White Plaza. Archuleta led the crowd In a poem titled "Blessed are Those Who Struggle to Survive." The rally, intended to heighten awareness of racism, ended with a march. The march stopped at President Kennedy's office, right, where Black Student Union Chair Mary Dillard tacked up a list of demands as a security guard watched. The list, called "A Mandate for Change," seeks increased University support of minority students' needs.[13]

On the Black Student Union

On April 5, 1968, Stanford's black students ignited a fire that would burn relentlessly through two decades of shifting public sentiment. Following the shocking assassination of civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr., the newly established Black Student Union held a rally in White Plaza. As then-BSU co-chair Kenny Washington spoke, 40 black students banded together on stage and set fire to an American flag. Washington explained to the racially mixed crowd, "This burning flag may mean a lot to you, but it doesn't mean much to us. The fact that we are Americans is only incidental to us. The burning flag is incidental to us. We are primarily human beings." Nearly 20 years after Martin Luther King's death, the fire burns strong for Stanford's BSU. Through times of civil unrest, legal conservatism and widespread apathy, the BSU has maintained its boldness and its dream. "We are here to continue the unfinished business of the 19605," said Steve Phillips, 1984-86 BSU chair. "We stand on that history, we learn from it, and we're inspired by it." Amanda Kemp, last year's BSU chair, said that unlike many similar institutions in the country, Stanford's BSU has "an uninterrupted history of 20 years of struggle" against the status quo.

The BSU first introduced itself to the Stanford community in October 1967. Ted Spearman, senior press representative for the group, explained in an Oct. 19 Daily article that the BSU planned to focus its attention on countering apathy. "Stanford is just as hostile to black people as the rest of the country, perhaps more hostile because of its apathy. Apathy is the worst form of hostility," he said. Six months later, student behavior in response to King's death illustrated the extent of such apathy. Although many students mourned King, others expressed indifference. An April 5, 1968, Daily article reported: "One fellow at Kappa Alpha, where drinks and music created a lively atmosphere, said, 'I'm not concerned at all. I'm never upset at anything, and why should I worry? I live in Montana.' " The BSU, however, answered apathy with activism. Just hours after the flag-burning rally at White Plaza, 70 members of the BSU stormed onto the stage of Memorial Auditorium and surrounded then-Provost Richard Lyman, demanding 10 points of specific reform on minority admissions and employment at Stanford and funding for the BSU.

'It isn't just a fight for black people. The BSU is a catalyst for justice overall on this campus.' — Amanda Kemp

The BSU "never made an explicit threat of direct action but it was clear that ... they were in a position to create a lot of upheaval," said Lyman, who is currently president of the Rockefeller Foundation and was Stanford president from 1970-80. Seven hours later, after the administration responded in an open meeting at Tresidder Union, Washington shouted to the assembled crowd, "All our demands have been met!" "The BSU showed a very astute sense of how to play their cards and just how far to go in support of these demands," Lyman reflected. "Almost overnight, [the BSU] became a very prominent part of the campus action." Leo Bazile, 1968-70 BSU cochair and now an Oakland city councilmember, described the climate of the Stanford black student movement during his leadership as a "very volatile environment. Everybody was questioning tradition and values. People coincided in many cases and diverged in others." "The primary point of coming together was around questioning of institutional racism," Bazile said.

The 1970s were a time of 'backward political motion. People got afraid and people got comfortable...' — Keith Archuleta

One of the 1968 demands called for the admission of 10 minority students who do not meet the minimal academic requirements. As promised, this demand was fulfilled, and by 1971, nine of these 10 students were enrolled and in good academic standing, according to a Febuary 1971 Daily article. Improvement of minority enrollment has remained a vital issue for the BSU. "For 80 years, Stanford did not admit students of color to the University," Phillips said. "It took the assassination of King and the uproar that followed to change the situation."

With the change in the political climate, the government began to challenge the progress of the civil rights movement, according to 1977-78 BSU Chair Keith Archuleta. Archuleta said the challenge included the National Guard's attack at Kent State and increased intelligence gathering on black liberation organizations by J. Edgar Hoover's FBI and the CIA. Another obstacle, according to Archuleta, was the Supreme Court's ruling in Bakke v. University of California that nationally instituted what he calls "reverseracism." This "conservative backlash" induced a retreat from the progressive rights movement both at Stanford and across the nation, he argued.

Quietly resisting conformity, Stanford's BSU nearly slipped away into non-existence, according to Archuleta. Archuleta described the era of his leadership as a time of "backward political motion. People got afraid and people got comfortable — blacks included." According to Phillips, the BSU probably would not have survived "if it hadn't been for Keith (Archuleta) in '75." Archuleta continues to be an active voice at Stanford. He is currently director of Black Community Services Center, assistant dean of Student Affairs and a resident fellow at Mirrielees House.

Concerns of the BSU during the 70s included divestment in South Africa, development of an AfroAmerican studies department, the establishment of a black theme house and learning assistance center and revising the Western Civilization requirement which, as Archuleta described, came back in 1980 under the disguise of Western Culture.

Since its inception, the BSU has also been a source of cultural and community outreach programs. Poet Amiri Baraka was one of many speakers brought to Stanford by the BSU in the early 19705, Kemp said. She cited tutoring, talent shows and the 1970 founding of a black student newspaper, The Colonist, (which later became the The Real News) as further cultural structures fostered by the BSU. Many of the programs for which the BSU fought over the years have benefited other minority groups and the campus at large. The learning assistance center, housed in Sweet Hall, for example, came about because of the BSU demands, Archuleta said. The BSU was also instrumental in last spring's formation of the Rainbow Agenda, a coalition of people of color committed to the fight against institutional racism, according to Kemp. "It isn't just a fight for black people," she said. "The BSU is a catalyst for justice overall on this campus." "Just about every aspect of this campus related or committed to diversity is linked in some way to the BSU," Phillips said. The progress of the BSU had come full circle as the "conservative" flickering fire of the '70s sparked new rage in the early '80s.[14]

"Justice and Hope"

Steven Phillips wrote Justice and Hope: Past Reflections and Future Visions of the Stanford Black Student Union 1967-1989, in 1990.

Writing Justice and Hope has been a humbling and daunting exercise. Many, many people helped, and this is indeed a collective work. I am grateful to the many Black faculty and staff members who provided valuable advice, support and direction: James L. Gibbs, St. Clair Drake, Kennell Jackson, Clayborne Carson, Keith Archuleta, Michael Jackson, Michael Britt, Dandre Desandies, Hank Organ, and Rachel Bagby.
I also made extensive use of the Stanford Libraries. At the various stages of production, a whole host of peeple contributed. I hope I don't leave anybody out, but here goes. My thanks go out to the following people: Lisa Fitts, Audrey Jawando, Bacardi Jackson, and Drew Dixon helped give shape to Justice and Hope when it was still a vague and unformed idea. Toni Long demonstrated for me the true power of PageMaker. David Porter clarified important facts and provided historical information. Frederick Sparks helped with fundraising and monitoring the budget. Lyzettc Settle added critical comments and an extremely thorough and detailed revision of the text. Danzy Senna, Joy St. John, Stacey Leyton, Raoul Mowatt, Valerie Mih, Hillary Skillings, Judy Wu, Quynh Tran, and Cheryl Taylor meticulously proofread the final drafts. Elsa Tsutaoka gave advice on design, layout and cutting photos. MEChA loaned us its layout equipment The staff in the ASSU Business Office always cheerfully facilitated financial transactions and questions.
I owe special thanks to Keith Archuleta—my critic, counselor, fellow freedom fighter, and friend. Whether I was developing the concept devising the plan, dissecting the drafts, or discussing the points, he saw me through from start to finish and helped me realize a dream. I am grateful to the entire staff of the CPPC. In particular, Anne Greenblatt displayed considerable understanding and support. Virgina Malt shared her genius for design, and James Patterson was, well, James—- one of the friendliest and most encouraging people I know. My largest debt is to the Black Student Union- I am grateful to Mary Dillard and the 1988-89 officers and Calvin Joel Martin and the 1989-90 officers for their patience, support, and assistance. They demonstrated remarkable understanding as production schedules changed, deadlines moved, and the imperative of making history delayed the efforts to record history. Through it all. we persevered, and now, at last, it's done. My final thank-you goes out to all the members of the Black Student Union—past and present—who made the history recorded in these pages. Keep up the struggle.[15]

"A call to build an organization for the 1990s and beyond"

Unity, January 28 1991, issued a statement "A call to build an organization for the 1990s and beyond" on pages 4 to 6.

This group was a split in the League of Revolutionary Struggle which soon became the Unity Organizing Committee.

Those listed as supporters of the call included Keith Archuleta, Director Black Community Services Center, Stanford University. .

Unity Organizing Committee

According to the The Stanford Daily, Volume 199, Issue 9, 14 February 1991, a group of Stanford students, faculty and staff are in the process of organizing a local committee as part of a new national coalition dedicated to progressive change in the United States.

Known as Unity, the organization hopes to promote “fundamental change in [the U.S.] policy system,” said sophomore Adriana Martinez, who is helping introduce the coalition to the Stanford campus.

Martinez said Unity values “true multiculturalism” – minority groups working together with mainstream white people who favor progressive change.

Among the more than 100 people who signed the article are several affiliated with Stanford, including Black Community Service Center Director Keith Archuleta, ASSU senators David Brown and Mae Lee and Council of Presidents member Ingrid Nava.

Brown has been a Stanford distributor of Unity newspaper for the past three years. Recently, he said he has played an active role getting students involved in the local committee.

About 35 Stanford students are now forming the local committee, which is intended to focus primarily on educational rights issues. Local Unity groups at other California campuses have initiated a lobbying effort against planned 40 percent to 60 percent tuition increases at University of California schools, Martinez said.

Archuleta, an active participant in the local Unity Organizing Committee, said the group plans to provide “a way that all these particular groups can link to broader issues.”

Archuleta, who is a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition, said he sees Unity as having a broader perspective than other political organizations.Unity ’bridges gaps’ through broader goals.[16]

Rodney King protest

In the first full day of activity following the acquittals in the Rodney King beating case, students rallied at the Law School, petitioned in White Plaza and planned future actions to promote civil rights, including a rally today. News of the hastily organized Law School rally spread by word of mouth. One organizer, Maya Harris, said the only preparation for the spontaneous rally was getting a microphone. "There was a large number of people, much more than we expected," law student Michelle Alexander said. At the rally, Harris said, "We have to all wake up, stay awake, get up next morning and the morning after and face reality .... We won't let tomorrow go by without doing something."

During the rally, petitions were circulated in White Plaza as one facet of the organized campus protest movement. Graduate student Anthony Clark said petitions would be circulated "as long as it takes," adding that more than 2,000 signatures had been gathered in less than 24 hours. However, not everyone was ready to sign their name. Graduate student John Hornbrook said he felt the students were "attacking innocent people walking by." He said he did not know enough about the situation to judge whether the verdict was supported by evidence other than the videotape, and therefore would not sign a petition. Hornbrook's refusal drew response from students standing nearby. "I don't think kicking and beating a man with bully clubs is ever justified. That's why I have a problem with you," junior Tanya Van Court told Hornbrook. Freshman Jomo Graham, one of the leaders of a campus letterwriting campaign, called on students to send individual letters to prominent politicians as well as sign petitions, and bought an advertisement in The Daily to print a model letter. Multicultural educator Greg Ricks, an adviser to the loose organization of student leaders, said students should "take time and think about what's going on" by writing a letter. In a late-night organizational meeting held in the Lagunita dining hall, at least 200 students, faculty and staff planned today's rally and further actions.

The rally, which had originally been scheduled for White Plaza, was moved to the courtyard between the Law School and Meyer library because it conflicted with the Spring Faire, according to sophomore organizer Tracy Clay. 'This is not a black thing. It is a coalition which is not limited by race, gender or politics.

At the meeting, some students advocated civil disobedience, and leaders hinted at agreement. When a community member said students should block local streets, Clay suggested everyone wear "comfortable clothing and walking shoes" to the rally. When the same person asked "to what end are we wearing these walking shoes," Clay replied that the organizers have a plan but are "not capable of sharing it right now."

Ujamaa Resident Assistant Bacardi Jackson said members of the coalition contacted groups at other schools for the rally. Clay said the rally would begin with a singing of the Black National Anthem and a series of student speakers on the history of law and the civil rights movement. In addition, many community leaders from Stanford and the Bay Area will speak. Stanford speakers include Tony Burciaga, a resident fellow at Casa Zapata, Keith Archuleta, the director of the Black Community Services Center, Mary Edmonds, the vice president for student resources, and Ricks, according to Clay. Dressed in black and holding up two red candles, graduate student Francisca James-Hernandez said at the meeting that she is "ready to do something." Many students wore black as a "symbol of mourning for justice" in America, Clay said. Senior Alma Medena, the co- chair of MEChA, a Chicano/Latino student group, said people should also wear black to mourn those killed in Los Angeles in the violent aftermath of the verdict.

Clay and Jackson emphasized that activities against the Kingbeating verdict have had racially diverse participants. "This is not a black thing. It is a coalition which is not limited by race, gender or politics," Ricks said. There has also been a "strong reaction by faculty," he said, adding that Political Science Prof. Lucius Barker and Latin American Studies Prof. Terry Karl have organized a meeting for faculty response today (see related story, page 3). Other events currently being planned include a discussion with Janet Wells, the president of the Palo Alto chapter of the NAACP, and Stanford Police Chief Marvin Herrington on Sunday; a meeting with black community leaders of East Palo Alto on Tuesday; a teach-in on Wednesday; and a Mother's Day vigil organized in conjunction with groups from other campuses, according to Jackson. [17]

PAC+ launch

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Launch of PAC+ in Contra Costa with Contra Costa Supporters and PAC+ Board Members. Hosts included: Keith and Iris Archuleta, Martha Parsons, Frances Green, Joscelyn Jones, Willie Mimms, Pastor Paul Taylor, Supervisor Federal Glover, City Council Member Mary Rocha, Don Freita and other community leaders.[18]

PowerPac+ Board of Directors

PowerPAC+ Board of Directors, as of 2017 included Keith Archuleta - Antioch CA, Emerald Consulting .[19]

References

  1. [1]
  2. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 192, Issue 55, 11 January 1988]
  3. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 169, Issue 39, 15 April 1976]
  4. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 172, Issue 48, 1 December 1977]
  5. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 193A, Issue 15, 9 August 1988]
  6. [ The Stanford Daily, Volume 175, Issue 59, 11 May 1979]
  7. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 185, Issue 71, 30 May 1984]
  8. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 186, Issue 6, 1 October 1984]
  9. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 193, Issue 16, 23 February 1988]
  10. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 189, Issue 73, 30 May 1986 ]
  11. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 189, Issue 73, 30 May 1986 ]
  12. [The Stanford Daily, 21 September 1988]
  13. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 194, Issue 24, 27 October 1988]
  14. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 193, Issue 16, 23 February 1988]
  15. [2]
  16. [The Stanford Daily, Volume 199, Issue 9, 14 February 1991]
  17. [The Stanford Daily, 1 May 1992]
  18. [http://www.powerpacplus.org/pac_contra_costa_launchPAC+ Contra Costa Launch Posted by Johanna Silva Waki on March 29, 2012]
  19. PowerPAC+ Board of Directors, accessed Dec. 1, 2014.